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Molti si domandano che cosa sia cambiato tra domenica 27 maggio - quando il Presidente Mattarella, utilizzando i poteri conferitigli dalla Costituzione rispetto alla nomina dei ministri, ha segnalato la necessità di evitare un Ministro dell’Economia che sostenesse l’uscita dalla moneta unica – e giovedì 31 maggio quando ha invece accettato la lista proposta da Conte, in cui il prof. Savona era stato dirottato al Ministero senza portafoglio delle Politiche Europee, con l’inserimento del prof. Tria al Tesoro e lo spostamento di Moavero Milanesi agli Esteri. Se si ragiona in termini meramente domestici è difficile capirlo. Se si affronta la questione in termini europei si coglie molto meglio, ma bisogna comunque ricordare tutto il percorso.

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Andrew Glencross post highlights a crucial shortcoming in the construction of the Monetary Union as defined with the Maastricht Treaty. Before Maastricht we knew that the monetary union to work effectively required also an economic and political union. The McDougall Report indicated that it required also a budget of about 5-7% of GDP to ensure convergence and cope with asymmetric shocks. But France preferred to keep economic, fiscal and political sovereignty at national level. Therefore only some convergence criteria were established. These were indispensable to avoid incentives to free ride endangering the whole monetary union. That logic has been applied ever since and it has been strengthened by the Stability and Growth Pact, the Six Pack, the Two Pack and the Fiscal Compact. The resulting paradox is that Member States of the EMU are subject to more budgetary and fiscal constraints than those of any fully-fledged federal system. And at the same time they cannot count on federal budget, policies and solidarity. National fiscal sovereignty on the budget basically ended with the Maastricht Treaty. But political elites did not dare to tell this truth, because this would make it impossible to make astonishing electoral promises, especially when they are in opposition. This has produced the current difficulties.

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The sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone appears to have returned, at least that is how a swathe of commentators are interpreting Italy’s travails in forming a government. In its original guise, the 2010 panic over whether countries such as Greece or Ireland might be forced to abandon membership of the Euro arose because governments in these countries faced a “sudden stop” of access to international credit markets. This situation reflected the fact that while the Eurozone has a common currency each member state is responsible for its own debts.

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Dopo mesi di menzogne finalmente qualcuno ha detto la verità agli italiani: il Presidente della Repubblica, Sergio Mattarella. Il problema non è l’indirizzo politico del governo, un nome o un altro, ma il fatto che qualcuno voleva far uscire l’Italia dall’Euro senza averlo detto con chiarezza durante la campagna elettorale. Per la buona ragione che se l’avessero detto gli italiani non li avrebbero votati. Nessuno infatti vuole perdere i propri risparmi, vedere deprezzata la propria casa o schizzare alle stelle la rata del mutuo. Tra crollo della borsa, aumento dello spread, dei tassi sui mutui e fuga dei capitali in meno di due settimane il tentativo di formare un governo giallo-nero tra M5S e Lega è già costato agli italiani decine di miliardi.

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In September 2017, the French President called for « citizens consultation » to take place all over Europe. In April 2018, the first consultation happened in France, launching in its country of birth a process of dialogues on Europe with its citizens that the 27 members of the European Union committed to organise by the end of October 2018. This initiative aims at giving European citizens the opportunity to express their views on the European construction in each country of the EU. The Heads of State and Government should then discuss their analyses, during the December 2018 European Council, and find them some sort of translation in the Leaders’ agenda.

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It seems we will finally have a government, in Italy. After the denial of the Democratic Party (PD) to even discuss with the Five Stars Movement (M5S) on a common political platform, the only viable alternative was to try an alliance between the M5S and the League. All those who blame this M5S-League Government, should remember that, otherwise, we should have gone back to the polls, with even higher risks of instability.

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E così, sembra che finalmente avremo un governo. Indipendentemente da quello che se ne pensa dell’accordo Lega-M5S, mi pare che alcune considerazioni siano inevitabili.

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Introducción

Los constantes ataques perpetrados por terroristas yihadistas ideológicamente vinculados con el autoproclamado Estado Islámico muestran la apremiante necesidad de una respuesta uniforme y coordinada a nivel europeo, de que la UE haga “más” para combatir el terrorismo, siendo éste precisamente el deseo del 82% de los europeos, según el Eurobarómetro publicado en Abril de 2016 [1]. Ante esta coyuntura, determinada por la percepción ciudadana de que la UE no hace lo suficiente para luchar contra el terrorismo, nos preguntamos ¿Qué ha hecho la Unión Europea hasta ahora para combatir el terrorismo yihadista? y, quizá más importante, ¿Cómo se está preparando para evitar futuros ataques?

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Il possibile accordo di governo tra il M5S e la Lega sta suscitando diversi timori su scala europea.

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The promotion of Human Rights has been a key objective of the EU’s Foreign policy for decades. The 1992 Maastricht Treaty already established the promotion of Human Rights and fundamental freedoms as an aim of Foreign Policy (Crawford, 2008: 174). However, it was the Lisbon Treaty that ‘injected’ most unequivocally the promotion of HR into external action (Velluti, 2016: 42) as per article 21 of the Treaty of the European Union.

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